Byzantium. The name evokes grandeur and exoticismgold, cunning, and complexity. In this unique book, Judith Herrin unveils the riches of a quite different civilization. Avoiding a standard chronological account of the Byzantine Empire's millenniumlong history, she identifies the fundamental questions about Byzantiumwhat it was, and what special significance it holds for us today.
Bringing the latest scholarship to a general audience in accessible prose, Herrin focuses each short chapter around a representative theme, event, monument, or historical figure, and examines it within the full sweep of Byzantine historyfrom the foundation of Constantinople, the magnificent capital city built by Constantine the Great, to its capture by the Ottoman Turks.
She argues that Byzantium's crucial role as the eastern defender of Christendom against Muslim expansion during the early Middle Ages made Europeand the modern Western worldpossible. Herrin captivates us with her discussions of all facets of Byzantine culture and society. She walks us through the complex ceremonies of the imperial court. She describes the transcendent beauty and power of the church of Hagia Sophia, as well as chariot races, monastic spirituality, diplomacy, and literature. She reveals the fascinating worlds of military usurpers and ascetics, eunuchs and courtesans, and artisans who fashioned the silks, icons, ivories, and mosaics so readily associated with Byzantine art.
An innovative history written by one of our foremost scholars, Byzantium reveals this great civilization's rise to military and cultural supremacy, its spectacular destruction by the Fourth Crusade, and its revival and final conquest in 1453.
|Publisher:||Princeton University Press|
|Edition description:||New Edition|
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About the Author
Judith Herrin is professor of Late Antique and Byzantine Studies at King's College London. She is the author of Women in Purple: Rulers of Medieval Byzantium and The Formation of Christendom (both Princeton).
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The Surprising Life of a Medieval Empire
By Judith Herrin
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESSCopyright © 2007 Judith Herrin
All rights reserved.
The City of Constantine
Constantine resolved to make the city a home fit for an emperor ... He surrounded it with a wall ... cutting off the whole isthmus from sea to sea. He built a palace scarcely inferior to the one in Rome. He decorated the Hippodrome most beautifully, incorporating the temple of the Dioscuri in it.
Zosimus, New History, c. 501
Byzantium–Constantinople–Istanbul is one of the most extraordinary natural sites. Like New York, Sydney and Hong Kong, it is a great metropolis with a deep-water harbour which brings the sea into the heart of the city. The proximity of water, the play of sunlight on the waves and views out towards the horizon create a very special quality of light. What attracted Constantine when he looked for a new capital for the Roman Empire in the early fourth century AD was a location from which he could control land and sea routes between Asia and Europe. He found a suitable site with a safe harbour on the Golden Horn, which could be sealed by a chain to keep out enemy ships and provide security from the dangerous currents of the Bosphoros. The lighthouse known as the Maiden's Tower was believed to mark the spot where Leander of Greek myth swam to his beloved Hero (a confusion between the Bosphoros and the Dardanelles). Now it guides Russian tankers. But until recently you could rent a small boat and be rowed across the strait, with a magnificent panorama of Constantinople. And although there are now two bridges joining Asia and Europe, passenger ferries continue to cross the Bosphoros, offering glasses of black tea and semits, rings of baked dough coated with sesame. On a fine day it is one of the great pleasures of life in Istanbul to sit on deck and enjoy a splendid view of Constantine's city.
Born in the central Balkans at Ni, Constantine was the son of Emperor Constantius Chlorus, one of the four rulers established by Diocletian (284–305), in an attempt to provide a much-needed element of stability in the vast Roman world. The Tetrarchy, 'rule of four', effectively divided the empire into two halves, ruled by two emperors acting in concert, with two junior colleagues who would succeed to full power on their death. It faltered due to the ambitions of sons of emperors who were denied a role. Constantine manifested this very problem after his father's death at York in 306, when he was acclaimed emperor by his troops. Yet he was not recognized by Galerius, the senior emperor in the East, and a few years later there were three different military leaders each claiming the imperial title in the West. Moving south from England, Constantine fought and defeated the others, and then in 312 confronted Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge just outside Rome. After this decisive victory Constantine entered the eternal city in triumph, where he was acclaimed by the Senate but declined to thank the gods for his success at the Altar of Victory in the expected fashion. Later he said that he had seen a vision of the Cross in the sky, which he interpreted as a sign from the God of the Christians, who promised him victory. He had made himself Emperor of the West by military conquest and now had to negotiate with Licinius, Emperor of the East.
The two rulers met at Milan in 313 and consolidated their joint administration by marriage alliances which united the empire. They also decided to issue an Edict of Toleration, which proclaimed that all religions could be celebrated freely, including Christianity, so long as adherents of every god prayed for the well-being of the Roman Empire and the emperors. Ever since, Christians have prayed for the well-being of their monarchs. Whatever Constantine's personal beliefs (see below), in 313 he had taken a step towards making the faith the official religion of the empire and consistently favoured the Christians. Intense rivalry between the two rulers was only resolved eleven years later when Constantine defeated Licinius at Chrysopolis on the Asiatic side of the Bosphoros. He took his rival prisoner, exiled him to Thessalonike and treacherously had him assassinated. In this way in 324 Constantine became ruler of the greater, richer and more populated East as well as the West. He had ridden and fought across the length and breadth of the Roman world, which he ruled for another thirteen years until his death in 337.
After his victory over Licinius, Constantine decided that the empire needed a capital in the East, closer to its most serious rival, Persia, which regularly threatened to invade. The ancient city of Troy was considered. Instead, Constantine chose the colony established by Greeks from Megara, supposedly in the seventh century BC, on the European shore of the Bosphoros. From this mythical origin Byzantion had flourished, controlling shipping through the treacherous waters that link the Black Sea with the Sea of Marmara, which in turn flows into the Aegean at the Dardanelles.
Byzantion was built on an elevation and had a well-protected harbour on the Golden Horn. Since the sea bordered it on three sides, to the north (the Golden Horn), the east (Bosphoros) and the south (Sea of Marmara), the only fortification required to enclose the city was a wall in the west. In addition, Byzantion commanded the routes for the lucrative sea-borne transport of amber, furs, metal and wood from the north; oil, grain, papyrus and flax from the Mediterranean; spices imported from the Far East, as well as overland trade between the West and Asia. In the late third century, Emperor Septimius Severus had strengthened its walls, which were always a weak point, and added new monuments.
Constantine transformed Byzantion into a new capital with his own name in the same way that Hadrian founded Hadrianopolis (Adrianople) and Alexander the Great Alexandria. In traditional ceremonies performed in 324, a line was ploughed to mark out the new land walls, which quadrupled the extent of the city and maximized the potential of the site, enclosing an area of approximately eight square kilometres, as Zosimus describes. Gates in the western wall and along the Marmara and Golden Horn were laid out. After six years of intensive construction, the city of Constantine, Constantinople, was inaugurated on 11 May 330 with ceremonies redolent of ancient civic pride and urban festivals. Horse and chariot races, the favourite sport of all Romans, were held in the Hippodrome; the new baths of Zeuxippos were opened for public use; and foodstuffs, clothing and money were distributed to the inhabitants. Those privileged to live in the new capital adopted the name Byzantine, to indicate their affinity with the ancient colony of Byzantion, and to distinguish themselves as its true citizens.
The city of Constantine drew into its centre the great trading routes, both naval and overland, that meet at the deep-water channel separating Europe from Asia. Unlike the Greek colony of Chrysopolis on the Asian side of the Bosphoros, it was protected by its physical setting on an elevated rocky peninsula. One great advantage of being almost surrounded by water was that the western wall stretching across the peninsula enclosed a large amount of land by a relatively short line of fortification. Furthermore, it was harder for the defenders to be taken by surprise by a land attack. It required a regular water supply that was assured by long aqueducts and cisterns for collecting rainwater. With easy access to fertile hinterlands and rich fishing grounds, Constantinople also became a natural fortress exceptionally difficult to storm.
Even with these natural advantages, the decisive element in the city's defence was always its inhabitants, their institutions, culture and organization created within the walls. From the beginning, Constantinople was also called New Rome. In imitation of Old Rome, it was laid out with fourteen regions and seven hills, linked by wide avenues leading from the centre to the gates in the western wall. Its squares were decorated with ancient sculptures collected from all parts of the empire. On its acropolis overlooking the Bosphoros there were two temples dedicated to Rhea, the mother of the gods, and to Fortuna Romae (the Fortune of Rome). In the central Forum of Constantine stood a dramatic porphyry column made of drums of purple stone brought from Egypt. At the top, a pagan statue of Apollo was adapted to represent the emperor. Works of art decorated the porticoes around this circular public space, which had triumphal arches at east and west marking entry to the Mese (the main thoroughfare).
Constantine brought sculptures from all parts of the empire to embellish his new capital, including the Serpent Column dedicated after the Greek victory over the Persians at Plataea (479 BC) from Delphi, and an Egyptian obelisk from Karnak celebrating a much earlier triumph. The Hippodrome became an open-air museum adorned with protecting, symbolic and victorious Greaco-Roman images. Statues of pagan gods (Zeus, Heracles), wild and fantastic animals, and rulers including Alexander the Great, Julius Caesar and Augustus, and of Rome, in the form of the wolf with Romulus and Remus, vied with trophies of military victory. Four ancient bronze horses were set up above the starting gates at the entrance to inspire competitors and spectators alike in the ancient skills of the races (plate 30). With broad thoroughfares linking the regions, each bordered by colonnades in which shopkeepers and craftsmen established their trades, the new capital was constructed to impress.
In his city Constantine minted the solidus (in Greek, nomisma), which he had introduced in the West in 309. It was a new type of 24-carat gold coin, which became the most reliable currency of Late Antiquity and the Byzantine world. Until the early eleventh century, all emperors minted gold coins of comparable fineness and quality, maintaining a stable standard for over seven hundred years, an extraordinary achievement (plate 22). Since personifications of Rome and of Victory had often been represented on imperial coins, Constantine adapted this type using the Tyche (Good Luck, Fortuna) of Constantinople. She appears as a woman enthroned, wearing a crown of battlements to represent the city walls, and holding a cornucopia to represent its wealth, an allegory in female form of male power, elucidated by Marina Warner. Imperial coinage minted in Constantinople brought the symbol of the new capital into wide circulation. Gradually the cross became more prominent and replaced ancient symbols, but a portrait of Christ was not used until the late seventh century (plate 11a). After the seventh century, the nomisma became the only gold available in the Middle Ages and was highly prized in regions which minted silver. Byzantine gold coins have been excavated in Scandinavia, western Europe, Russia, Persia and Ceylon.
In founding his New Rome, Constantine I brought many of the features of Old Rome on the Tiber to the Bosphoros. He granted land and privileges to senatorial families who agreed to move east and set up a new Senate of Constantinople. Entitlement to a supply of free bread was linked to the construction of new housing. Those who built accommodation in New Rome were granted bread tokens, which allowed them to collect fresh bread daily at points in all the fourteen regions of the city. Grain silos and water cisterns were constructed to ensure the city's supplies. In 359, a prefect was appointed to take charge of the city on the model of Rome, and all imperial administration was concentrated there. Duplicating the Roman pattern of 'bread and circuses' (see chapter 3), Constantine completed construction of the Hippodrome and appointed professional entertainers (the circus factions or demes) to organize the races and spectacles so much enjoyed in ancient times.
From 330 until his death in 337, Constantine continued to campaign against hostile forces in the East, moving from palace to palace, rather than residing permanently in Constantinople. After his initial victory at Rome, he only returned once to the ancient capital, to celebrate the tenth anniversary of his accession (315), when he dedicated the New Basilica and his Victory Arch, which still adorns the Forum. His new foundation grew at the expense of Old Rome and that of other cities previously used as imperial residences: Trier, Nikomedeia, favoured by Diocletian, Sirmium on the Danube or Antioch on the border of modern Turkey and Syria. Although many senatorial families remained in the West, Constantinople attracted craftsmen, architects, merchants and adventurers, while the new court needed educated men to sing the praises of the new Christian emperors as well as to run the administration. Lacking a traditional caste of established families who cherished their genealogies in the Roman style, Constantinople was more open to talent; newcomers who proved successful were rapidly promoted. This social mobility meant that the city experienced a less pronounced divide between aristocrats and plebians, although upstarts were always mocked and slaves continued to be beaten.
The nature and degree of Constantine's commitment to Christianity is disputed: his biographer Eusebius (Bishop of Caesarea, 313–c. 340) emphasizes it above all else, while secular historians record his devotion to the unconquered sun, Sol Invictus, shared with his father. In the late fifth century, Zosimus blames Constantine for all the ills of the Roman Empire, claiming that he abandoned his ancestral religion (of the pagan gods), because 'a certain Egyptian assured him that the Christian religion was able to absolve him from guilt ...'. The historian also reports why the emperor felt so guilty: Constantine had killed his son Crispus on suspicion of improper relations with Empress Fausta, his stepmother. Constantine later shut her up in an overheated bath until she died. He was indeed baptized into the new faith but only when he was dying. This was not uncommon as Christians wanted to avoid sinning after baptism, so the ceremony was regularly postponed till the last possible moment.
Different versions of the story of his vision of the Cross before the battle of the Milvian Bridge suggest that it is a myth, although Christian authors later claim it as the moment of his conversion. At Rome during the winter of 312/13, however, Constantine instructed the governor of Carthage to return Christian possessions, which had been confiscated during a recent persecution, to the local bishop and to provide compensation if the objects had been sold or melted down. This implies a definite shift from the previous imperial view of Christianity as a force capable of corrupting military strength, as well as denying due reverence for the ancient gods and emperors.
While Constantine supported Christian leaders and funded the building of Christian churches, his sons also permitted the construction of a temple in Italy dedicated to the cult of the imperial family, complete with priests dedicated to sacrifice in the old pagan style. At the same time, some temples appear to have been forced to give up their statues and any precious metal was stripped from their doors or roofs. The sacrificial element of pagan cult was gradually restricted; the killing of animals was to be replaced by the bloodless sacrifice offered to the Christian God. Since many pagan philosophers had also stressed the need for a spiritual understanding of 'sacrifice', this cannot be considered an exclusively Christian restraint. It indicates nonetheless the gradual demise of animal sacrifice, the central act of pagan cult. So whether he was converted by the vision of 312, or only when he knew that he was dying in 337, Constantine spent most of his adult life as a patron of Christianity, supporting the previously persecuted communities; he endowed their grand new churches with liturgical objects of precious metal set with jewels, and tried to help them define their faith more closely.
It is not clear how many new religious buildings within Constantinople were built by Constantine. He probably planned the church of the Holy Apostles, to which the imperial mausoleum was attached, the cathedral church of St Irene and churches dedicated to the cults of two local martyrs, Mokios and Akakios. Outside his capital Constantine paid particular attention to the sites associated with Christ's life on earth, sending his mother Helena to the Holy Land in 326. In the course of the first imperial pilgrimage, she founded the churches at Bethlehem over the manger of the Nativity and at Jerusalem over the tomb near Golgotha, where she is said to have discovered the True Cross. She also distributed money to the troops, which may have been the primary reason for her journey. Helena set a pattern for later pilgrimage, which was facilitated by building hostels and hospitals. In 335, Constantine himself followed in her steps; he dedicated another shrine to the Saviour and attended a council in Jerusalem, before celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of his rule.
Excerpted from Byzantium by Judith Herrin. Copyright © 2007 Judith Herrin. Excerpted by permission of PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS.
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Table of Contents
List of Illustrations ixList of Maps xiiIntroduction: A Different History of Byzantium xiii
Part I: Foundations of ByzantiumChapter 1: The City of Constantine 3Chapter 2: Constantinople, the Largest City in Christendom 12Chapter 3: The East Roman Empire 22Chapter 4: Greek Orthodoxy 33Chapter 5: The Church of Hagia Sophia 50Chapter 6: The Ravenna Mosaics 61Chapter 7: Roman Law 70
Part II: The Transition from Ancient to MedievalChapter 8: The Bulwark Against Islam 83Chapter 9: Icons, a New Christian Art Form 98Chapter 10: Iconoclasm and Icon Veneration 105Chapter 11: A Literate and Articulate Society 119Chapter 12: Saints Cyril and Methodios,'Apostles to the Slavs 131
Part: III: Byzantium Becomes a Medieval StateChapter 13: Greek Fire 141Chapter 14: The Byzantine Economy 148Chapter 15: Eunuchs 160Chapter 16: The Imperial Court 170Chapter 17: Imperial Children,"Born in the Purple" 185Chapter 18: Mount Athos 192Chapter 19: Venice and the Fork 203Chapter 20: Basil II,"The Bulgar-Slayer" 212Chapter 21: Eleventh-Century Crisis 220Chapter 22: Anna Komnene 232Chapter 23: A Cosmopolitan Society 242
Part IV: Varieties of ByzantiumChapter 24: The Fulcrum of the Crusades 255Chapter 25: The Towers of Trebizond, Arta, Nicaea and Thessalonike 266Chapter 26: Rebels and Patrons 281Chapter 27: "Better the Turkish Turban than the Papal Tiara" 299Chapter 28: The Siege of 1453 310Conclusion: The Greatness and Legacy of Byzantium 321
Further Reading 339List of Emperors Named in the Text 354Chronology 357Maps 363Acknowledgements 375Index 377
What People are Saying About This
A very readable and enjoyable introduction to Byzantium. Judith Herrin is a major scholar of Byzantium with much to teach us.
Robert Ousterhout, author of "Master Builders of Byzantium"
This book provides an introduction to Byzantium in a nonconventional fashion. It explores, in chronological order, basic questions about Byzantine history and society. I know of no other book that attempts this approach to the millennium-long history of Byzantium. Judith Herrin is a scholar at the top of her form.
Michael Maas, author of "Exegesis and Empire in the Early Byzantine Mediterranean"
"This book provides an introduction to Byzantium in a nonconventional fashion. It explores, in chronological order, basic questions about Byzantine history and society. I know of no other book that attempts this approach to the millennium-long history of Byzantium. Judith Herrin is a scholar at the top of her form."Michael Maas, author of Exegesis and Empire in the Early Byzantine Mediterranean
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
Those of us who identify ourselves as 'Lovers of Western History' fancy that we are reasonably well read in that history. We know, or think we know, the Minoans, the Greeks, the Carthaginians, the Persians. And Mongols, and Goths, and Vikings. Then there are castles and princes and intrigue and war. There are Knights and Maidens, and Kings and Queens, and Voyages of discovery and rapine; colonization and servitude, and disease. But all those of us who think we know something of that history are unsettled in our knowledge as if something unnamed, yet massively significant, is missing. It is. It was. It is not hyperbole to say that every page of Professor Judith Herrin's extraordinarily accessible book, Byzantium, is as a series of hammer strikes; each blow seating huge sections of that missing history. Anyone who delights in learning things they never imagined, or that they thought were otherwise, will enjoy this book. Each page will bring a smile; of minor, and sometimes major, epiphanies that are unique to those who love to learn, and make new connections, and experience intellectual surprise. Finally, we have delight.
An excelllent and surprisingly easy to read description of a fascinating 1000 year empire. Unlike many other histories of this subject, it is written as a series of chronological themes - most interesting.
Great, very readable introductory survey on history, religion, philosophy and economics of the great Byzantine empire from its inception in 330 AD to the Turkish conquest in 1453. This book contains the latest research on Byzantium. The writing style is well polished and the books flows very well. The author spends a little too much time on defending Byzantium against scholars who look down on it as an ineffective and bureaucratic empire. However, her interest in Byzantium is so infectious that the reader can hardly walk away without wanting to learn much more. Also, great list of suggested reading for further study.
¿Byzantium¿ is a beautiful book with a golden mosaic cover and a wealth of photographic plates of Byzantine mosaics, churches, and illuminations (black and white and colour).Rather than a dry recitation of the history of Byzantium Herrin chooses to focus on interesting aspects of Byzantine History, for example the Empire¿s Roman and pagan heritage, the Hagia Sophia, and the eunuchs at the Imperial Court.She succeeds very well in creating a bigger picture of Byzantine history, society, and culture in the mind of the reader. I should stress that this book is written for a general audience and not exclusively for academics.If you (like me) have a hole in your general knowledge where the Byzantine Empire ought to be, then I thoroughly recommend this book. Indeed who could resist finding out more about the history of a culture that boasted somebody called Basil the Bulgar-Slayer?
An excellent history, with well explained themes.
For a long time, Byzantium was, as a medieval realm of exceptional duration, very much hidden from a Western point of view and outshined by Rome and the history of England, France and Central European countries. In later days, the importance of the Byzantine Empire as a geographical pivot of the great events in the Middle Ages has led to an intensified study and clarification of the ravishing glories of that empire and not least the sensationally dramatical stories that make this long epoch full of horror and suspense. In short, Byzantium is hot stuff, from a historical point of view. An excellent introduction, and much more, to the history of this great empire is Prof. Judith Herrin's (King's College, London) book: Byzantium. The Surprising Life of a Medieval Empire. To a high degree, it is a comprehensive compilation of the elementary events and facts concerning Byzantine history, but it is boiling with new material, making the reading both a useful repetition and a odyssey of new discoveries in a field that seems to be like a deep ocean of so far unknown facts. The book is brilliantly written in a popular as well as distinguished way, and it is flavoured with a rich material of pictures (both coloured and in black-and-white) and not least with amazing quotations from sources only known by an expert in Byzantine history. An example: for the chapter on the internal social antagonism between rebels and patrons in Byzantium, Prof. Herrin has found a convenient quotation from Alexios Makrembolites' Dialogue between the Rich and the Poor, written in the first half of the fourteenth century, that seems to me to be hair-raisingly, appallingly actual in these days: "Among us [the poor], the tillers of the soil, the builders of houses and ships and the craftsmen are drawn... and who comes from among you?... Gamblers, voluptuaries, people bringing public calamitites with their greediness, disruptors of civic order, spreading poverty." After all, nothing is new under the sun,not even the Byzantine sun. This is only one sample among a lot of likewise appetizing and surprising details and glimpses from the Byzantine world. This book is a gold mine of information, presented in a attractive form that makes your reading a pure delight. By no means, it is an annalistic account of what happened in this empire, emperors, empresses, wars, battles and so on. It deals with the life, the movements, the dynamics of an remarkably long-lasting realm. Ingeniously, Prof. Herrin refers to Fernand Braudel's famous notion of the longue durée, the aspects of long duration he himself used for the Mediterranean. It is more than apt to apply it to Byzantine history too. It certainly is the most appropriate object and aim for a Braudelian study. Highly recommended for all kinds of history-devouring fanaticists - and not the least for all travellers, who once, or more than once, has been enthralled by that gloriously beautiful city Istanbul, once the capital, Constantinople, of Byzantium!